The Gary Schools — Inside the Classic
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WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY
SUPERINTENDENT OF SCHOOLS GARY, INDIANA
BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY The Riverside Press Cambridge
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COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY RANDOLPH S. BOURNE
The Riverside Press CAMBRIDGE • MASSACHUSETTS U • S • A
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THE public-school system of Gary, Indiana, has attracted during the last few years the general attention of progressive educators all over the country as perhaps the most ingenious attempt yet made to meet the formidable problems of congested urban life and modern vocational demands which are presented to the administrators of the city school. A broad educational philosophy has combined with administrative skill to produce a type of school which represents a fundamental reorganization of the public school to meet changing social and industrial conditions. A new balance of school activities, an increased wealth of facilities, the opening-up of opportunities to the younger children, the institution of a new kind of vocational training, the fusing of activities into an organic whole so that the school becomes a children’s community, the correlation of school activities with community activities, and lastly, the application of principles of economics to public-school management which permit greatly increased educational and recreational facilities not only for children in the schools, but also for adults,—these are the features of the Gary school system that have aroused the enthusiasm of many educators, and made it one of the most visited and discussed school systems in the country. Dr. David Snedden, Commissioner of Education in Massachusetts, has said that the system of education at Gary “more adequately meets the needs of city children than any other system of which the writer has knowledge.” Professor John Dewey declared recently, at a public meeting in New York City, called to discuss the adoption of the Gary plan in the New York schools, that “no more important question affecting the future of the people of New York has come before them for many years.” The United States Bureau of Education in 1914 published a report on the Gary schools, made after “a careful and prolonged study at first hand” extending over a period of two years. In this report Commissioner P. P. Claxton records his belief that “the superintendent and board of education of the Gary schools have succeeded in working out plans for a more economic use of school funds, a fuller and more effective use of the time of the children, a better adjustment of the work of the schools to the condition and needs of individual children, greater economy in supervision, a better correlation of the so-called ‘regular work’ and ‘special activities’ of the school, a more practical form of industrial education, and at a cost less nearly prohibitive than is usually found in public schools in the cities of this country.”
Schools in many towns and cities in all parts of the country have been reorganized on the Gary plan or have been experimenting with it. The Gary plan has been introduced in the schools of small cities such as Sewickley, Newcastle, and Swarthmore, Pennsylvania; Kalamazoo, Michigan; Winetka, Illinois. Kansas City has been experimenting with it. The Chicago authorities have recently pronounced their two years’ experiment an unqualified success. Passaic, New Jersey, has a highly successful Gary school in operation. In Troy, New York, the authorities are reorganizing the entire school system on the Gary plan. In New York City two schools were operated for most of the school year, 1914-15, Superintendent Wirt of Gary having been called in to supervise the reorganization and advise the Board of Education in their attempt to meet the “part-time” problems in congested school districts. As a result of this experiment the Board of Education has recently decided to extend the Gary plan to two school districts in the Borough of the Bronx, involving fourteen schools and 46,000 pupils. Superintendent Wirt has presented figures to show that, by the adoption of the Gary plan and the expenditure of only $5,000,000 (the cost of a dozen school buildings which would provide at the maximum for 20,000 children), the New York authorities could practically relieve their part-time situation which now involves 132,000 children. Not only has the success of the Gary plan been striking in the larger cities, but it has proved its adaptability to the small school as well. Three of the schools of Gary are practically rural schools in outlying districts, but the principles of the Gary plan are found applicable there as well as in the recently erected model school plants. The flexibility of the plan, the ingenuity and soundness of its economical and educational principles, its feasibility of imitation, and adaptation to communities the most diverse, makes its discussion one of national significance.
Randolph S. Bourne's The Gary Schools (1916) opens with a preface that frames the Gary system as 'perhaps the most ingenious attempt yet made' to address urban educational challenges. The book does not merely describe a school district; it dissects a deliberate reorganization of public schooling to meet 'changing social and industrial conditions.' Bourne, a progressive social critic, focuses on administrative and pedagogical choices—how the system grouped students by ability, scheduled their days, and blended academic with manual training. His prose is analytical, often citing specific data, such as the 1914 regrading experiment in two ninth-grade algebra classes that raised slow workers' averages by five percent. The text treats the Gary plan as a case study in educational engineering, emphasizing the interplay of philosophy, economics, and daily practice.
Ability Grouping and Individual Pace
Bourne devotes considerable attention to the Gary system's classification of students into 'rapid, normal, and slow workers.' This tripartite grouping allowed some children to complete the twelve-year course in ten years, while others took fourteen. The author notes that 'the bright child is not held back' nor 'the slow child discouraged by the competition of the brighter ones.' He cites a specific investigation of two ninth-grade algebra classes at Emerson School, where regrading produced 'marked improvement in the interest displayed' and raised the slow division's average by five percent in three months. At Jefferson School, fifty-two percent of children were one or more years ahead of their normal grade. Bourne presents this as evidence of the system's responsiveness to individual differences, though he does not claim it eliminated all disparities.
The Pupil's Itinerant Day
Unlike traditional schools where students remained in one classroom, Gary pupils moved individually from room to room according to a printed schedule card. Bourne writes that 'the headquarters of the pupil in the school are not in the classroom' but in spacious lockers lining the corridors. Teachers stayed in their assigned rooms; students came to them. This platoon system, combined with a long school day, allowed for supervised study and eliminated homework except in high school. The author observes that the freedom to distribute time 'obviate[s] the necessity for carrying books away from the school.' The physical layout and scheduling choices directly shaped the learning environment, making the school itself a kind of workshop rather than a series of fixed classes.
Vocational Training and the Slow Worker
Bourne highlights how the Gary plan accommodated students who struggled academically by allowing them to 'specialize in the industrial departments.' The presence of 'a great variety of activities' meant that children who faltered on intellectual work could give more attention to manual, artistic, or physical pursuits. This was not a separate track but a flexible adjustment within the same school day. The author notes that many slow workers 'do not attempt to complete the course' but instead focus on vocational skills. The system thus recognized differences in 'mental endowments and ambitions' without forcing all students through the same academic mold. Bourne presents this as a pragmatic response to the diverse needs of an urban population, though he stops short of evaluating long-term outcomes.
Economic Efficiency and Extended Use
A recurring theme in Bourne's account is the economic rationale behind the Gary plan. By operating schools year-round and in the evenings, the system provided 'increased educational and recreational facilities not only for children but also for adults.' The preface mentions that the plan applied 'principles of economics to public-school management' to permit greater facilities at lower cost. Bourne details how the platoon schedule allowed a single building to serve more students, and how cooperative textbook loans reduced expenses. The Gary system was, in his view, a model of efficiency that did not sacrifice quality—a claim supported by the attention it drew from educators like David Snedden and John Dewey, whose endorsements Bourne quotes. The book thus positions administrative innovation as a form of social progress.
Bourne's study is best read as a contemporary analysis rather than a retrospective evaluation. He writes from within the progressive education movement, documenting a system still in development. Readers should note that the excerpts focus on structure and administration; the voices of students and teachers are largely absent. The book offers a detailed blueprint of one influential reform, but its claims about outcomes rely on limited data. For a fuller picture, pair it with later assessments of the Gary plan's implementation and legacy.
There’s something touching about how Bourne saw the Gary schools trying to build a whole little world for each child. It makes me think of the quieter, older communities in The Early Irish Monastic Schools A study of Ireland's contribution to early medieval culture — Text and Context, where learning was woven into daily life too. Different time, same gentle hope.
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