The Oxford Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More — Background and Themes

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In Category - Educational Theory
Seebohm, Frederic, 1833-1912 Project Gutenberg 2013 Not confirmed
More, Thomas, Saint, 1478-1535; Erasmus, Desiderius, -1536; Reformation -- England; Colet, John, 1467?-1519; Education -- England -- Oxford -- History -- 16th century; Reformers -- England -- Oxford -- Biography Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 170,211
Reading time 741 min
Text sections 29

The Oxford Reformers: John Colet, Erasmus, and Thomas More — Background and Themes can be approached with a clearer sense of reading commitment from its source measurements: 170,211 words, 12 hr 21 min estimated reading time, and 29 detected text sections.

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Seebohm's study of Colet, Erasmus, and More examines their collaborative efforts in early 16th-century Oxford, focusing on educational reform and biblical humanism. The excerpts reveal detailed social critique, including taxation on labourers and Wolsey's policies, alongside the author's use of Latin epigraphs and prefaces acknowledging later scholarship.
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n Michaelmas Term of 1496[6] that the announcement was made to doctors and students of the University of Oxford that John Colet, a late student, recently returned from Italy, was about to deliver a course of public and gratuitous lectures in exposition of St. Paul’s Epistles.

[Sidenote: Only graduates in Theology might lecture on the Bible.]

This was an event of no small significance and perhaps of novelty in the closing years of that last of the Middle Ages; not only because the Scriptures for some generations had been practically ignored at the Universities, but still more so because the would-be lecturer had not as yet entered deacon’s orders,[7] nor had obtained, or even tried to obtain, any theological degree.[8] It is true that he had passed through the regular academical course at Oxford, and was entitled, as a Master of Arts, to lecture upon any other subject.[9] But a degree in Arts did not, it would seem, entitle the graduate to lecture upon the Bible.[10]

It does not perhaps follow from this, that Colet was guilty of any flagrant breach of university statutes, which, as a graduate in Arts, he must have sworn to obey. The very extent to which real study of the Scriptures had become obsolete at Oxford, may possibly suggest that even the statutory restrictions on Scripture lectures may have become obsolete also.[11]

Before the days of Wiclif, the Bible had been free, and Bishop Grosseteste could urge Oxford students to devote their _best morning hours_ to Scripture lectures.[12] But an unsuccessful revolution ends in tightening the chains which it ought to have broken. During the fifteenth century the Bible was _not_ free. And Scripture lectures, though still retaining a nominal place in the academical course of theological study, were thrown into the background by the much greater relative importance of the lectures on ‘the Sentences.’ What Biblical lectures were given were probably of a very formal character.[13]

[Sidenote: Commencement of a new movement at Oxford.]

The announcement by Colet of this course of lectures on St. Paul’s Epistles was in truth, so far as can be traced, the first overt act in a movement commenced at Oxford in the direction of practical Christian reform--a movement, some of the results of which, had they been gifted with prescience, might well have filled the minds of the Oxford doctors with dismay.

They could not indeed foresee that those very books of ‘the Sentences,’ over which they had pored so intently for so many years, in order to obtain the degree of Master in Theology, and at which students were still patiently toiling with the same object in view--they could not foresee that, within forty years, these very books would ‘be utterly banished from Oxford,’ ignominiously ‘nailed up upon posts’ as waste paper, their loose leaves strewn about the quadrangles until some sportsman should gather them up and thread them on a line to keep the deer within the neighbouring woods.[14] They could not, indeed, foresee the end of the movement then only beginning, but still, the announcement of Colet’s lectures was likely to cause them some uneasiness. They may well have asked, whether, if the exposition of the Scriptures were to be really revived at Oxford, so dangerous a duty should not be restricted to those duly authorised to discharge it? Was every stripling who might travel as far as Italy and return infected with the ‘new learning’ to be allowed to set up himself as a theological teacher, without graduating in divinity, and without waiting for decency’s sake for the bishop’s ordination?

On the other hand, any Oxford graduate choosing to adopt so irregular a course, must have been perfectly aware that it would be one likely to stir up opposition, and even ill-will,[15] amongst the older divines; and it maybe presumed that he hardly would have ventured upon such a step without knowing that there were at the university others ready to support him.

II. THE RISE OF THE NEW LEARNING (1453-92).

[Sidenote: The old and new school of thought.]

In all ages, more or less, there is a new school of thought rising up under the eyes of an older school of thought. And probably in all ages the men of the old school regard with some little anxiety the ways of the men of the new school. Never is it more likely to be so than at an epoch of sharp transition, like that on which the lot of these Oxford doctors had been cast.

[Sidenote: An age of progress and transition.]

[Sidenote: Advance of Infidel arms in Europe.]

Frederic Seebohm’s The Oxford Reformers opens with three epigraphs—from Colet, Erasmus, and More’s translation of Pico—that immediately signal the work’s concern with truth-seeking and the broadening of Christian practice. The preface to the third edition candidly admits the book is “imperfect” and “antiquated,” yet yields to a friend’s plea that it “may live a little longer.” This self-awareness shapes the narrative: Seebohm weaves together biography and social history, but the excerpts show a strong emphasis on Tudor economic policy, including detailed analysis of taxation on labourers and Wolsey’s legislative maneuvers. The catalog subjects list Reformation, education, and biography, but the text itself devotes considerable space to parliamentary acts and peasant ejections, suggesting a broader socio-political lens than the metadata implies.

Epigraphs as Programmatic Statements

The three epigraphs preceding the main text are not decorative. Colet’s words—“Veritatem enim quærimus, non opinionis offensionem”—frame the inquiry as a search for truth, not a defense of opinion. More’s translation of Pico della Mirandola urges the reader to heed “the very law of nature, what thing very reason, what thing Our Lord himself showeth thee to be done.” Erasmus’s question—“Cur sic arctamus Christi professionem quam Ille latissime voluit patere?”—challenges the narrowing of Christian profession. Together, they establish a humanist, reformist stance that Seebohm applies to his subjects’ educational and religious projects. The excerpts do not show how these mottos are developed, but their placement suggests a deliberate thematic anchor.

Social Critique Beyond Biography

Despite the catalog classification as biography and educational theory, the excerpts reveal extended passages on Tudor social and economic conditions. Seebohm details an income-tax of sixpence in the pound “descending even to the wages of the farm-labourer,” and criticizes Wolsey’s Parliament for re-enacting “a rigid scale of wages” while exempting employers. He notes the “wholesale ejections” of peasants due to pasture farming and the “appalling increase of crime” leading to more executions. These sections read more like social history than personal narrative, indicating that Seebohm’s concept of “fellow-work” includes the political context in which his reformers operated. The metadata’s focus on individuals may understate the book’s structural critique of Tudor governance.

Authorial Self-Correction and Chronology

Seebohm’s prefaces document a process of revision driven by new evidence. The second edition acknowledges “the remarkable discovery by Mr. W. Aldis Wright” of a family register that clarified the chronology of More’s early life, forcing a “slight alteration” to the title. The third edition notes that Dean Colet’s works have been “ably edited by my friend Mr. Lupton,” and that a new biography is in press. These remarks show Seebohm positioning his work as provisional, subject to correction by later scholarship. They also reveal a network of contemporary researchers—Lupton, Wright—whose findings shaped the book’s evolution. Readers should note that the text’s claims about dates or events may reflect pre-1887 knowledge.

Seebohm’s Oxford Reformers is best approached as a document of its own historiographical moment. The author’s frankness about the book’s limitations, combined with his detailed treatment of Tudor economic policy, offers a layered portrait of the reformers’ world. Readers interested in the intellectual biography of Colet, Erasmus, and More will find the core narrative, but those seeking a critique of early modern governance will also be rewarded. The epigraphs provide a concise entry point into the humanist values Seebohm attributes to his subjects.

Years at this desk have taught me how one book can echo another. Seebohm’s study of Colet, Erasmus, and More carries a gentle urgency about making scripture live in young minds. Flipping through A Manual for Teaching Biblical History — A Reader’s Guide, I find the same warmth, the same patient hope that learning can be both faithful and free. A quiet kinship, indeed.

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