Early Quaker education in Pennsylvania — Inside the Classic

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In Category - Educational Theory
Woody, Thomas, 1891-1960 Project Gutenberg 2023 Not confirmed
Thesis (Ph. D.); Society of Friends -- Education -- History; Education -- Pennsylvania -- History Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 107,736
Reading time 469 min
Text sections 38

The source record for Early Quaker education in Pennsylvania — Inside the Classic measures this digital text at 107,736 words, 7 hr 49 min estimated reading time, and 38 detected text sections.

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Thomas Woody's 1920 dissertation examines Quaker schooling in Pennsylvania before 1800, using meeting minutes and subscription records to show how Friends organized, funded, and supervised schools. The excerpts reveal a system driven by local committees, not centralized authority.
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not enough to fit and qualify men to be ministers of Christ; and I wondered at it, because it was the common belief of the people.

3. At another time it was opened to me, that God, who made the world, did not dwell in temples made with hands.... But the Lord showed me clearly that he did not dwell in these temples which men had commanded and set up, but in people’s hearts; for both Stephen and the apostle Paul bore testimony that he did not dwell in temples made with hands, not even in that which he had once commanded to be built, since he put an end to it; but that his people were his temple, and he dwelt in them.[10]

These doctrines which he began to promulgate in 1647 were recognized as fundamental, and their influence is plainly to be seen in the organization and discipline of the society which finally resulted.[11]

[Sidenote: But not untried]

It may well be mentioned here that though these tenets were incorporated in the foundation principles of the Quakers, they were by no means new, in the sense that they had never been accepted, in part, at least, by any other group of people. J. Brown, writing concerning the Quakers, states that Caspar Schwenkfeld, a Silesian of high birth, had promulgated the same doctrines of _inner light_, _direct revelation_ and the inadequacy of the sacraments at least two centuries before the time of Fox in England.[12] The dispersion of Schwenkfeld’s adherents in 1547 led to the spread of their doctrines outside of Silesia, being embraced by a part of the Mennonite Church of Amsterdam, whence their entrance was made into England, and found acceptance in the minds of the Quakers.[13] This view is held also by other students of Quaker history,[14] and the similarity of doctrine is clearly seen in the statement of the Mennonite creed, as given by B. L. Wicks, a student of Mennonite history.[15] Further, it is known that some of the earliest preachers among Quakers went to Amsterdam and vicinity and found there a kindly reception by a part of the people, making converts among both the Baptists[16] and the Mennonites.[17] An instance of their kindly attitude toward Quakers and also of the recognition given their belief on the part of the Quakers, is shown in the account by Thomas Chalkley, concerning his journey of some nine hundred miles in Holland, Friesland and Germany.[18]

[Sidenote: Kindly reception given to Quaker ministers]

As I have had great peace and satisfaction in my travels in Holland and Germany, so, for inciting others under the like exercise, I may truly say that there is encouragement for faithful ministers to labor in the work of the gospel. I know not that I ever met with more tenderness and openness in people than in those parts of the world. There is a great people whom they call Mennonites, who are very near to truth, and the fields are white unto the harvest among divers of them, spiritually speaking.[19]

At Kriegsheim in the Palatinate Quaker exhorters like Ames and Rolfe, who had been sent out by the direction of George Fox, 1657, succeeded in winning converts among the Mennonites, though they were received unfavorably by the magistrates who fined those who offered to give them any entertainment.[20] It is from this same district that both Quakers and Mennonites made their voluntary departure and came to settle in Pennsylvania. Their prompt attention to school affairs on their first arrival is very similar to that of the Quakers, though in their case it was often the work of the laity, and not through the church organization.[21]

[Sidenote: Journey of Fox, Penn, Furly, Barclay and Keith]

A still more extensive missionary journey was undertaken at a later date, 1677, by several Quakers, among them Fox, Penn, Furly, Barclay and Keith. They visited Brill, Leyden and Haarlem where they held meetings, preaching to both Quakers and Mennonites.[22] The tour continued up into the Rhine region where Penn and his party came into touch with members of the Pietist group. It is doubtless true that this journey and the impression which was made by Penn must have played an important part a few years later when he opened his colony to settlers on the well known liberal principles.

In the presentation of the foregoing material it has been pointed out: (1) how the doctrines of the Quakers were rapidly spread broadcast by the itinerant preachers; and (2) that there was a great similarity between Quaker and Mennonite in doctrine and belief.

[Sidenote: Increased number of ministers]

[Sidenote: The number of adherents estimated]

Thomas Woody's 1920 doctoral dissertation, published as number 105 in Teachers College's Contributions to Education series, opens with a frank admission: manuscript records from preparative meetings 'have not been well kept,' limiting the source base. Yet the work proceeds to reconstruct Quaker schooling in Pennsylvania before 1800 by drawing on minutes, subscription lists, and committee reports from southeastern Pennsylvania depositories. The excerpts show a study grounded in administrative detail—schoolhouse costs estimated at £110, overseers appointed to 'visit the school, examine the progress of the scholars, inspect the teacher’s conduct'—rather than in pedagogical theory.

Committee Governance and School Oversight

The excerpts repeatedly illustrate how Quaker meetings managed schools through rotating committees. A 1790 report from Darby Monthly Meeting, for instance, established a formal list of duties for five 'Overseers of Darby School,' including visiting the school, examining scholars, inspecting the teacher, and discharging unruly pupils. The committee could employ and fire teachers only with the meeting's approval, and had to report annually. This structure appears throughout the text: when Benjamin Lobb requested release from service, Morris Truman was appointed 'in his room.' The system was flexible—in 1792 four new overseers were added temporarily, likely to handle increased workload—but always accountable to the monthly meeting.

Funding Through Subscriptions and Donations

School construction relied on voluntary subscriptions, not public taxes. In 1793, Benjamin Lobb granted a lot on his plantation for a new schoolhouse, and the overseers proposed that expenses be 'defrayed by subscription.' A subscription was started, and Friends were 'desired to forward it.' The estimated cost was £110. Earlier, a committee including Abraham Bonsall, John Humphreys, and Phillip Price was appointed to enlarge subscriptions before the work could be completed. The excerpts also mention 'trustees of donations given for education of the poor,' who managed permanent funds whose interest was applied to educate needy children. This patchwork of voluntary giving and earmarked donations shaped the financial reality of Quaker schooling.

Curriculum and Supervision in Practice

While the excerpts provide limited direct detail on what was taught, the oversight mechanisms imply a curriculum centered on literacy and religious formation. Committees were to 'examine the progress of the scholars' and 'inspect the teacher’s conduct,' suggesting regular assessment of both learning and moral instruction. The 1784 visit from the quarterly meeting committee focused on 'the establishing and keeping up suitable schools,' checking four criteria: foundation, masters, supervision by committees, and accommodations for the master. A 1790 report noted that the school's status was 'nearly what was expected by the yearly meeting.' The system emphasized accountability through written reports and annual reviews, with the 1787 request for 'a circumstantial account' of schools to be transmitted to the quarterly meeting.

Woody's study is best approached as a documentary history: the value lies in the transcribed minutes, subscription records, and committee reports he assembled from scattered archives. Readers interested in the social mechanics of early American education—how communities actually built and ran schools—will find a wealth of specific, localized evidence. The excerpts suggest that the book's strength is its granular administrative detail rather than broad interpretation.

There’s something steady about those old meeting minutes—how a community quietly decided who would teach, and how much it mattered. It reminds me of that gentler thought in Were You Ever a Child? — Key Ideas to Explore, where childhood isn’t a project but a presence. I keep thinking about that.

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