Education in England in the Middle Ages Thesis Approved for the Degree of Doctor of Science in the University of London — Inside the Classic
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THE WORK OF THE MONASTERIES.
The introduction of Christianity to this country subsequent to the Saxon invasion was effected by means of two independent agencies--the Roman mission under the leadership of Augustine which arrived in Thanet in 597, and the Scottish missionaries who, in response to the invitation of Oswald, king of Northumbria, took up their residence in the island of Lindisfarne in 635.
The primary task of these missionaries was obviously that of converting a people who professed a heathen religion to an adherence to the Christian faith. The accomplishment of this main task, however, involved two additional tasks, the one moral, the other social. A dismal picture of the moral condition of the settlers in this country in the fifth century has been painted by Montalembert. Basing his account on Ozanam's "Germains avant la Christianisme" he asks, "What could be expected in point of morality from persons accustomed to invoke and to worship Woden, the god of massacres, Freya, the Venus of the North, the goddess of sensuality, and all those bloody and obscene gods of whom the one had for his emblem a naked sword and another the hammer with which he broke the heads of his enemies?" He continues, "The immortality which was promised to them in their Valhalla but reserved for them new days of slaughter and nights of debauch spent in drinking deep from the skulls of their victims. And in this world, their life was but too often a prolonged orgy of carnage, rapine and lechery."[3] Herein lay the moral task which awaited the Christian missionaries. They had to replace the existing national ideals with the ideals of Christianity--ideals of the highest standard of personal morality. The social task undertaken by the missionaries was that of elevating this country from a condition of barbarism into a state of civilisation. Referring to the results of the introduction of Christianity, Green writes, "The new England was admitted into the older commonwealth of nations. The civilisation, art, letters, which had fled before the sword of the English conquest returned with the Christian faith."[4]
What means could be adopted by the missionaries to accomplish the ends they had in view? It is obvious that continual teaching and instruction would be imperative to meet the needs of the converts to the new faith, and it is equally clear that it would be necessary to provide for the creation of a native ministry in order that the labours of the early missionaries might be continued. Teaching, consequently, occupies a position of the greatest importance, and it is to the educational aspect of the labours of these missionaries rather than to the religious or the ecclesiastical aspect that our attention is now directed. It may be advisable for us to remind ourselves that these missionaries came to this country speaking the Latin tongue, that the services of the Church were carried on in that language, and that such books as existed were also written in Latin. It is necessary to make this point clear in order to show that schools for instruction in this language would be imperative from the very first.
It is also important to remember, as Montalembert points out, that the conversion of England was effected by means of monks, first of the Benedictine monks sent from Rome, and afterwards of Celtic monks.[5] We may here lay down a general hypothesis, which the course of this thesis will tend to demonstrate: the educational institutions established in this country were due to an imitation of those which had been in operation elsewhere. The Christian missionaries to England, for example, did not originate a system of education. They adopted what they had seen in operation in the parent monasteries from which they came, and, in so doing, they would naturally adapt the system to the special needs of the country. Some exceptions to this general principle may be found; they will be noted in their proper place.
Accepting this hypothesis, before we can proceed to consider the special work for education of the monasteries in this country, it is necessary briefly to review the meaning of monachism and to consider the extent to which monasteries had previously associated themselves with educational work.
Albert William Parry’s 1920 doctoral thesis, Education in England in the Middle Ages, opens with a direct methodological challenge to the work of contemporary historian A. F. Leach. Parry states that Leach’s Schools of Mediaeval England “differs essentially” from his own, with different aims and conclusions, and that Leach “does not quote the authorities for the statements he makes.” This early positioning signals Parry’s commitment to evidentiary rigor: he promises to examine “all the relevant, available evidence” and acknowledges his reliance on Leach’s Educational Charters as a documentary collection while distancing himself from Leach’s interpretive framework.
The Gild as an Educational Institution
Parry devotes considerable attention to medieval gilds, arguing that their “most prominent characteristic was the religious element.” He cites early English gilds at Abbotsbury, Exeter, and Cambridge, and notes that the earliest available statement of gild purposes dates from 858, when the Archbishop of Rheims described them as uniting “for offerings, for mutual assistance, for funeral services for the dead, for alms, and for other deeds of piety.” Parry emphasizes that gilds were so integral to social life that “it is impossible to conceive of any social organisation which was entirely divorced from religion.” He then connects gilds directly to education: some had as their object “the aid of poor scholars, the maintenance of schools or the payment of schoolmasters.” This observation grounds the book’s central argument that educational provision was woven into the fabric of religious and communal organizations.
The Gild-Merchant and Craft Gilds
Parry distinguishes between religious and social gilds and two later developments: the gild-merchant and the craft gild. He traces the gild-merchant’s origins back to Roman “collegia” or “corpora opificum et artificium” under Numa Pompilius, though he declines to examine this critically, stating it is “foreign to our purpose.” Instead, he notes that after the Norman Conquest, towns suffered from war and castle-building, but once Norman rule was established, “an internal peace, such as had not been previously enjoyed, was secured,” allowing commerce to flourish and gilds-merchant to form. Parry’s language here is cautious: he presents the gild-merchant as arising from “a consciousness of a community of interest” and a desire for co-operation, rather than from any single cause. This section exemplifies his method of synthesizing secondary sources while maintaining a clear focus on educational implications.
Numbers and Exaggerations in Gild Records
Parry is alert to the unreliability of medieval numerical claims. He reports that Brentano stated there were twelve gilds in Norwich and Lynn, Gallienus counted 80 in Cologne, Melle about 70 at Lübeck, and Staphorst over 100 at Hamburg. But he immediately adds a note of skepticism: “Gilds were so very numerous and so marked a characteristic of the social life of the period that it is not to be wondered at if exaggerated statements were made as to their number.” He then cites Taylor’s claim of 909 gilds in Norfolk and 75 in Lyme Regis alone, without endorsing the figures. This critical stance—weighing evidence without accepting it uncritically—runs throughout the thesis. Parry’s own research was conducted under difficult conditions, as he notes in the preface: much of the book was written “whilst I was on military service (1914-9)” and dependent on notes compiled “at various times and places,” which may have led to “some omissions and inaccuracies.”
Thesis Structure and Scholarly Debt
Parry’s preface reveals the book’s scholarly lineage. He acknowledges Professor Foster Watson as the stimulus for his interest in educational history, and J. E. G. de Montmorency as “the first writer to give a connected account of the development of English Education,” whose work “blazed the trail.” Parry also thanks colleagues for proofreading and the Rev. Dr. Hughes for preparing the index. The thesis itself is organized chronologically, from the Introduction of Christianity to the Eve of the Reformation, and aims to identify “the factors which contributed to the educational development of the nation.” Parry’s method is documentary: he provides an appendix listing authorities consulted, and his footnotes cite specific pages and collections. The work is thus positioned as a contribution to a growing field, building on—but also correcting—earlier scholarship.
Parry’s thesis is best approached as a work of historical synthesis grounded in primary documents. Readers interested in the institutional history of English education will find detailed discussions of gilds, chantries, and cathedral schools, though the excerpts here focus on gilds. Parry’s critical eye for exaggerated claims and his explicit methodological disagreements with Leach make the book a valuable primary source for understanding early twentieth-century historiography of medieval education.
Holding Parry’s thesis, I remembered sitting in a cold library, tracing how institutions outlive the people who build them. That same quiet awe came from On the Firing Line in Education — Text and Context, where classrooms felt like living relics. Both books made me wonder if we ever truly teach, or just pass along the scaffolding.
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